Monday, June 30, 2025

About the Drinking Age...

 This is the full version of my op-ed in the Wall Street Journal a few days ago.




Many are watching with undisguised amusement as Democrats spend $20 million to understand the great mystery of young men—probably the simplest creatures on earth. Here’s an idea for you, Democrats: lower the drinking age, at least for beer.

Here's an idea for you, Democrats: lower the drinking age. For beer, anyway. Frat boys will write epic poems in your honor. 

Well, perhaps not. But they might vote for you. Right now, your brand is toxic.

Out of 190 countries, only 12 have drinking ages as high as ours. We are keeping company with cool kids on the block like Iraq, Oman, and Equatorial Guinea.

Some history.

Congress established a federal drinking age of 21 in 1984 to combat drunk-driving fatalities, of which there were 21,000 in 1983. States were coerced with the threat of withheld highway funds. They caved in quickly. Louisiana was the last holdout.

Since then, the rate of drunk-driving deaths has dropped almost 50%. Mothers Against Drunk Driving, a powerful lobby, will tell you it’s because of the age increase, but does anyone really think college-age kids have stopped drinking because it’s illegal?

In reality, drivers of all ages have responded to much tougher enforcement and severely increased penalties. Back in the day, it was, “Get home safe, son.” Now it’s the slammer for a night and huge fines. Technology has also changed, creating safe alternatives. Uber wasn’t an option in the 1980s.

It’s time to lower the drinking age. Current law is not a deterrent, and it has had negative cultural effects, particularly on our nation’s campuses. Start with the binge drinking of hard alcohol. Beer, the college beverage of choice since the first student was forced to read Sartre, has faded away. It’s too bulky to sneak into your dorm room. Vodka is today’s poison. It’s clear and mixes with about anything.

Not surprisingly, this has made campus drinking a bigger problem than ever. When I was in college, I didn’t hear of anyone going to the hospital because he drank too much beer—and people tried (I am reliably told).

The higher age has also affected college culture, and not in a good way. In the halcyon early 1980s, we had big, campuswide events. It was very social and egalitarian.

In fact, my very first day, Yale’s president, Bart Giamatti, welcomed all freshmen to his house with an open bar. Imagine! Now, students squirrel away, pregaming, consuming what they want in places they won’t be caught by resident assistants and other mandated busybodies. This has made college social life cliquey and balkanized, self-selecting mostly along demographic lines. DEI administrators, take note.

In 2008, 130 college presidents signed a petition that declared “twenty-one is not working” and urged “an informed and dispassionate public debate.” They saw the damage firsthand and have been forced to set up expensive compliance regimes. Complicating matters, most seniors and some juniors can legally partake, creating a schism between haves and have-nots.

A change is needed. Democrats, this is your opening. Republicans, it could be yours too. Lowering the drinking age is consistent with your support for personal liberty and will resonate with libertarian-leaning youth. Let Democrats continue to be society's scold!

And lowering it for beer only will steer college kids toward safer forms of consumption.

The best part is that it’s the right thing to do. Eighteen-year-olds can legally drive, sign contracts, get married, take a bullet in foreign wars—everything except have a beer. It’s inconsistent and patronizing, and it’s time to change it. As long as we treat alcohol like forbidden fruit, the thrill remains.




2 comments:

  1. How about we return the drinking age to 18, return mary jane to the strictly illegal category, and redouble efforts to suppress prescription drug abuse?
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    Other unsolicited suggestions:
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    (1) authorize by statute a compendium of excise taxes on activity of environmental import. Can be final sales of different sorts of fertilizer and agro-chemicals, excises on vehicle sales whose value is determined by the output of a menu of pollutants by a new car of that make and model; excises on industrial effluvia and waste dumps, excises on tree harvests. Principles for determining the dollar value per physical unit would be stated in legislation, with the precise level determined each year by a commission. The proceeds of theses excises would then be dumped in a holding fund which would at the end of the fiscal year be emptied with checks sent to each household which filed a federal income tax return in proportion to the dimensions of their household as indicated on the return.
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    (2) Levy an excise on three conventional items, value updated each year by a commission per principles delineated in the statute. The items would be liquor, tobacco, and firearms. The vendor's federal liability would be the value of said excise less what he paid to the state treasury. If the state's excise was equal to the federal excise or higher, he would owe nothing. Anything collected by the feds would be dumped in the holding fund to be distributed to the public.
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    (3) Levy a like excise on motor fuels, with this proviso: the vendor would owe the full amount to the feds unless his state had a compliant set of road funds. If they did have a compliant set, he would owe only the difference between the federal excise and the state excise. Federal collections would be dumped in the holding fund for eventual distribution to the public. When you have a 'compliant' set, each authority responsible for ordinary roads (not limited access roads) has a road fund. It can add to the road fund with general revenues, but not raid it for other purposes. State and federal data are assembled on the total quantum of acreage paved in the state (bar that on limited-access highways). The state's motor fuels excise revenue is then apportioned between authority's funds according to their share of the total acreage paved. Vehicle registration fees can be placed in a dedicated fund to finance the state DMV and any excess apportioned among the road funds.
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    (4) Place road tolls on all long haul Interstates and distribute the revenue to dedicated funds in each state for maintenance of such Interstates. Allow states to impose tolls on short-hauls if they do not finance their maintenance with proceeds from the motor fuels tax.
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  2. (5) Eliminate all other federal excises.
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    (6) Placed in the holding fund for eventual distribution tariff revenue, unclaimed deposits, the proceeds of abandoned property sales, fines, civil forfeitures, restitution to the federal government, and civil judgments payable to the federal government.
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    (7) End all federal grants to local government bar payment in lieu of (property) taxes on federal real estate and disaster relief.
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    (8) End all federal grants to state and territorial government bar for Medicaid, unemployment compensation, toll road revenues, and an unrestricted revenue sharing grant. For each state, the value of the revenue sharing would be directly proportional to the state's population, directly proportional to employee-compensation-per-worker in the state, but inversely proportional to per capita personal income in the state. Mississippi's per capita grant would be large, New York's would be small, and that for Connecticut, New Jersey, and DC would be nil.
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    We do these things and (1) excise revenue is captured by state governments, (2) the variation in the severity of excises from one state to another (and the incentive to travel out of state to make purchases) declines, (3) the manipulation of state policy by imposing conditions on federal grant distribution declines (although the states are manipulated to set their excises at a particular level).
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    Revenue sharing grants to local government (one hopes unrestricted) would be handled by state and territorial legislatures.

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